🔗 Share this article

The Sudanese commander known as Hemedti, once earned his living dealing in livestock and precious metals. Today, his paramilitary Rapid Support Forces hold sway over around 50% of the Sudanese territory.

Consolidating Control in Darfur

The RSF recently achieved a notable triumph by capturing the city of al-Fasher, which was the final army garrison in the western region.

Hated and dreaded by his adversaries, Hemedti is admired by his loyalists for his determination and his promise to dismantle the discredited state.

Modest Origins

Hemedti's origins are modest. He hails from the Mahariya section of the camel-herding Rizeigat community, an Arab group that straddles Chad and Darfur.

His birth year is approximately 1975, as is common in remote regions, his date and place of birth were never recorded.

Guided by his uncle Juma Dagolo, his clan relocated to Darfur in the late 20th century, fleeing conflict and seeking better opportunities.

Initial Ventures

Dropping out of education in his early teens, Hemedti began earning by dealing in livestock across the Sahara to Libya and Egypt.

At that time, Darfur was Sudan's wild west—poor, neglected by the regime of then-President Bashir.

Local armed groups known as the Janjawid attacked villages of the native Fur communities, triggering a full-scale rebellion in 2003.

Ascendancy Amid Conflict

As a countermeasure, Bashir massively expanded the Janjaweed to spearhead his counter-insurgency campaign. They quickly gained notoriety for burning, looting, and killing.

Hemedti's force was among them, implicated in attacking the village of Adwa in late 2004, killing 126 people, among them dozens of minors.

International inquiries concluded that the Janjaweed were guilty of crimes against humanity.

Strategic Maneuvering

In the years following the height of violence in 2004, Hemedti skillfully navigated his ascent to become head of a influential militia, a business network, and a political machine.

At one point he rebelled, requesting unpaid salaries for his fighters, advancements, and a government role for his sibling. Bashir granted many of his requests.

Subsequently, when rival militias mutinied, Hemedti commanded government forces that defeated them, gaining control Darfur's biggest gold mining site at Jabel Amir.

Quickly, his family company al-Gunaid became the top gold exporter in Sudan.

Institutionalizing Influence

By 2013, Hemedti requested and obtained formal status as head of the new paramilitary group, reporting directly to Bashir.

The Janjaweed were integrated into the RSF, getting modern equipment and training.

Regional Ambitions

Hemedti's forces engaged in Darfur, performed less successfully in the Nuba region, and took on a role to police the Libyan frontier.

Ostensibly stopping illegal crossings, Hemedti's commanders also engaged in corruption and human smuggling.

By 2015, Gulf nations requested Sudanese troops for the Yemen conflict. Hemedti negotiated a separate deal to provide his fighters as contractors.

The Abu Dhabi connection proved highly significant, marking the start of a strong alliance with Emirati leadership.

Growing Power

Young Sudanese men trekked to RSF enlistment offices for cash payments of up to $6,000.

Hemedti struck a partnership with the Russian Wagner organization, receiving training in exchange for business arrangements, particularly in gold.

He visited Moscow coincided with the day of the invasion of Ukraine.

Turning on Allies

As protests grew, Bashir deployed Hemedti's units to the capital Khartoum, dubbing him "my protector".

This backfired. In 2019, when protesters called for change, Bashir instructed troops to shoot. Instead, the generals deposed him.

Initially, Hemedti was celebrated as a new leader for Sudan. He tried to reposition himself, but that lasted only weeks.

Return to Violence

When power wasn't transferred, Hemedti deployed his forces, which committed massacres, assaulted females, and allegedly executed men in the River Nile.

Hemedti has rejected that the RSF engaged in war crimes.

Under foreign pressure, the generals and civilians agreed to a compromise, leading to an unstable coexistence for several years.

Ongoing War

As an investigation started looking into army businesses, the two generals ousted the government and seized power.

However, they disagreed. Burhan demanded the RSF be integrated into the military. Hemedti resisted.

Last year, RSF units moved to surround strategic locations in the capital. The takeover effort was unsuccessful, and violence broke out across the city.

Violence exploded in Darfur, with the RSF mounting a vicious campaign against the Masalit community.

International organizations report thousands of casualties, with the US describing it ethnic cleansing.

Present Situation

Hemedti's forces obtained advanced arms, including military drones, used to strike army positions and crucial in the assault on al-Fasher.

With this weaponry, the RSF is in a strategic stalemate with the national military.

Hemedti has formed a rival administration, the "Government of Peace and Unity", taking the chairmanship.

After taking el-Fasher, the RSF now controls the majority of inhabited territory in western Sudan.

Following reports of atrocities, Hemedti announced a probe into violations perpetrated by his soldiers.

Many believe Hemedti sees himself as president of a breakaway state or still aims to rule all of Sudan.

It's also possible, he may emerge as a behind-the-scenes power broker, commanding businesses, a mercenary army, and a political party.

And as Hemedti's troops commit violence in el-Fasher, he seems assured of avoiding consequences in a global community that overlooks.